Syllabus overview, key assignments, reflections, and artifacts from this course.
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Module 3 turns from the structure of the program to the person at the center of it — how learners develop, why they differ, and what those differences ask of a teacher. For an ESL candidate the module carries extra weight, because the learner in my classroom is acquiring the language and the content at the same time.
Core topics covered in this module:
Activity window: 21–27 August 2026.
Second Language Acquisition Theory — Innatism
The activity asked me to select at least one SLA theory in my certification area, summarize the developmental process of language as a system, interpret that development through the theory, compare first and second language acquisition, and identify instructional practice aligned to the theory with research support. I chose innatism.
Language as a system. Language is layered, and each layer has its own units and rules — phonology for the sound inventory and permissible combinations, morphology for the smallest meaning-bearing units, syntax for the hierarchical rules that build phrases and clauses, semantics for meaning, and pragmatics for use in context. A learner can control one subsystem while another lags, which is why an English learner with strong conversational fluency can still struggle with academic writing.
The developmental process. First-language development follows a uniform course: cooing and babbling, holophrastic single words near twelve months, two-word combinations around eighteen months, telegraphic speech, then rapid expansion. The most revealing evidence is in the errors. Children who have said went correctly begin producing goed and foots — forms no adult modeled for them. Overregularization is proof that the child has extracted a rule and is applying it productively.
The theory. Chomsky (1959) argued that behaviorist accounts of imitation and reinforcement cannot explain productive novel utterances, and formalized the alternative as Universal Grammar (Chomsky, 1965) — an innate architecture of principles common to all languages, with parameters set by exposure. The central argument is the poverty of the stimulus: input is finite, degenerate, and offers almost no negative evidence, yet every typically developing child converges on a complex grammar on roughly the same timetable. Development is therefore triggering rather than teaching.
First versus second language acquisition. Both show developmental sequences that resist reordering by instruction, and both produce rule-governed rather than random errors. The decisive difference is outcome: L1 acquisition is uniformly successful, L2 acquisition is not, and it degrades with age. Johnson and Newport (1989) found grammaticality judgment performance declined systematically with age of arrival. Innatists disagree about why — Schwartz and Sprouse (1996) argue learners retain access to Universal Grammar and can restructure toward the target, while Bley-Vroman (1990) holds that adults have lost direct access and fall back on general problem-solving alongside the first language.
Aligned instructional practice. Two activities follow directly from the theory:
A tension I chose not to hide. If grammar is triggered rather than taught, explicit instruction should matter little — yet Norris and Ortega (2000), synthesizing 49 studies, found explicit treatments substantially outperformed implicit ones. My position is that rich comprehensible input remains the engine of acquisition while explicit attention to form accelerates the noticing that feeds it. The theory tells me what to build a course around; it does not license me to ignore evidence that focused instruction helps.
Written work and supporting materials from this module.
Second Language Acquisition Theory Paper
Key sources
This section is drafted from the position you took in the paper. Rewrite it in your own voice before publishing — reflective sections are where an evaluator hears the candidate rather than the coursework.
What stayed with me from this module is that innatism is a theory of acquisition, not a theory of teaching, and the two do not map onto each other as neatly as I expected. Working through the poverty of the stimulus argument was persuasive. Working through Norris and Ortega immediately afterward was uncomfortable, because their finding cuts against the instructional conclusion a strong innatist reading would suggest.
I decided that sitting with that discomfort was more useful than resolving it early. A teacher who believes only in input will underteach form; a teacher who believes only in explicit instruction will produce learners who can label a structure and not use it. The honest position is that both are operating, and my job is to weight them for the learner in front of me.
It also reframed something I had been treating as a personality problem. Adult learners in Thailand who freeze rather than speak are not failing to try — they may be doing exactly what a comprehension-first account predicts, which is processing well ahead of producing. Reading the silent period as a stage rather than a deficit changes what I do about it.
This module produced direct evidence against three standards.
Standard 1 · Learner Development. The paper traces language development as a patterned sequence across linguistic subsystems and explains why the pattern holds — the core of understanding how learners grow and differ in their progression.
Standard 2 · Learning Differences. The comparison of first and second language acquisition, and the maturational evidence from Johnson and Newport, gave me a research basis for why learners of different ages arrive at different outcomes from the same instruction.
Standard 8 · Instructional Strategies. The extensive reading and Total Physical Response activities are strategies selected from theory and defended with effect-size evidence rather than preference.
See the InTASC Standards page for how this evidence sits alongside the rest of the program.
The clearest link is extensive reading, which appears in this module as a theoretical commitment and on my Literacy page as classroom practice. Nakanishi's meta-analysis gives me the number I need when someone asks why independent reading time is not simply time off task.
The second link is the systems view. Treating phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics and pragmatics as separable subsystems explains a pattern I keep meeting in Thailand — a learner who converses easily but cannot produce academic writing has not failed at "English," they have uneven development across subsystems, and the instructional response is specific rather than general.